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28/01/2019 Back To List
Opening of the Segregated Road in Greater Jerusalem: A Major Step Towards de facto Annexation of Area C

On January 9, Israeli authorities opened a stretch of road northeast of Jerusalem, more than 4.5 km in length. Officially called Route 4370, this stretch of road is better known as the “apartheid Road,” due to the 8-meter-high wall running down its center. The purpose of that wall: to relegate Palestinian traffic to the two-lane sealed highway on the east leading around Jerusalem (with no possibility for entering the city), while allowing Israeli traffic travel travel on the two lanes on the road’s west side, on which cars can travel through and into Jerusalem.

Specifically, the newly opened divided highway runs between Route 437 (which links the Hizma checkpoint at the eastern entrance to Jerusalem with the settlement industrial zone known as Mishor Adumim) and the main Israeli east-west highway that runs between the coastal plain and the Jordan Valley, known as National Route 1 (not to be confused with the main north-south thoroughfare through Jerusalem popularly known as Route 1). The new Route 437 hits National Route 1 in the segment that runs between the French Hill settlement neighborhood in East Jerusalem, through Ma’ale Adumim, and onward to Jericho (bigger/downloadable map is available here).

Most public attention related to this new road has understandably focused on its visibly segregated character. While Israel has designated roads in the West Bank for the exclusive use of Israeli traffic before (e.g., Route 443, which was closed for many years to Palestinian traffic until 2010, when it reopened to Palestinians only after a ruling of the Supreme Court), this new road is unprecedented, being the first and only road specifically engineered to physically segregate Israeli and Palestinian traffic. Moreover, this road is not engineered merely to divide traffic along ethic/national lines; it is designed with the explicit purpose of facilitating and expanding the Israeli connection between Jerusalem and the West Bank, while further cutting off and excluding Palestinians from the city.

As stark as the moral ramifications of the opening of a segregated road are, the geopolitical impact of this road -- on the state of play in Area C, on the Palestinian population in the West Bank, on the status of Jerusalem and on possible future agreements -- is equally if not more consequential. We will now focus on that geopolitical dimension.


The actual construction of Route 4370 commenced in the mid-2000s. It was quietly completed, for all intents and purposes, in 2007 -- with the exception of the construction of an interchange at its southern edge along Route No. 1 -- and in a very specific political context related to the development of E-1 during Ariel Sharon’s premiership.

It has long been recognized that the E-1 settlement plan, which entails the construction of a massive, densely populated Israeli land bridge between Jerusalem and the settlement of Ma’ale Adumim, would have devastating implications for any future political agreement. If built, it would dismember and fragment the West Bank into a northern canton and a southern canton, with no connectivity between the two, and no possibility of integrating a Palestinian capital in East Jerusalem into either of them. Consequently, the fierce and universal opposition to the E-1 scheme has led successive Israeli Prime Ministers to defer its implementation.

Nonetheless, in 2004, Prime Minister Sharon expedited the statutory planning of E-1 and began the construction of a number of the plan’s elements, apparently believing that his close ties with the Bush administration would enable him to proceed with E-1 without controversy. He was mistaken. A major battle over E-1 ensued within the Bush Administration, with then-National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice leading the camp opposing the scheme and arguing that the plan would have a devastating, perhaps fatal impact on the contiguity of any future Palestinian state.

In an effort to deflect Rice’s claims regarding E-1’s impact on the contiguity of a Palestinian state, Sharon decided to build the segregated road so as to demonstrate that Palestinian traffic could, in fact, flow unimpeded between Ramallah and Bethlehem, through the E-1 area, by using this sealed road. The road reflected one of Sharon’s fundamental strategic principles: substituting “territorial contiguity” with “transportational continuity” - that is, rebutting arguments that a future Palestinian state could not be made up of geographically divided territories by insisting that engineering solutions - like bypass roads (which were being built at a fast past during that period) -- could connect Palestinian areas sufficiently to allow a state to emerge, while allowing Israel to keep settlements in the West Bank and, importantly, to build E-1.

In the end, President Bush embraced Rice’s position, and his Administration’s engagement on the issue led Sharon to suspend both the statutory planning process and most of the construction. In this context, the road - which as noted earlier was completed, except for one element, in 2007, remained closed. With the planning and construction of E-1 suspended, it was no longer urgent to open it. Its major sponsor, Sharon, had fallen into a coma, and bureaucratic disputes between the IDF and the Police regarding the responsibility for the road’s checkpoints, and among the adjacent municipal councils, thwarted the opening of the road.

Until now.

Why now? The reasons are various, from the prosaic to the political - all are discussed in detail further down in this analysis. Most importantly, the road has once again become an important component in achieving Israel’s strategic objectives in Area C, as defined by Prime Minister Netanyahu. To understand these objectives, and how the opening of this new road serves them, requires first examining the patterns of movement between the northern and southern parts of the West Bank, particularly in the vicinity of Jerusalem, as they have developed over the years, and how this new road will change them.

The Patterns of Movement between the Northern and Southern West Bank


Since Biblical times, movement from the areas known today as Ramallah and Nablus in the north, and Bethlehem and Hebron to the south took place on what has been known as “the Route of the Patriarchs” - a route that led through the center of Jerusalem (bigger/downloadable map is available here).

Between 1949 and 1967, with the division of Jerusalem, key segments of that route passing through Jerusalem were under Israeli control. As a result, the Jordanians created a circuitous route using secondary roads of East Jerusalem (bigger/downloadable map is available here).

After 1967, with the removal of the  physical barriers inside Jerusalem and between the West Bank and Jerusalem, traffic reverted to the historic route, more or less on the Route of the Patriarchs. The roads depicted in this map were used by the Palestinians of the West Bank and East Jerusalem until the1990s (bigger/downloadable map is available here).

In the early 1990s, the traditional patterns of movement once again became increasingly difficult, and eventually impossible. Israel began erecting checkpoints between Jerusalem and the West Bank, and began requiring West Bank residents to obtain permits to enter the Jerusalem. In the ensuing years, with the completion of the separation barrier in the Jerusalem area, the city was effectively sealed off to Palestinian traffic from the West Bank.

As a result, a new, circuitous route around the city came into being. This is the customary route used by West Bank Palestinians until today. Since the mid-1990s, any Palestinian seeking to travel from Ramallah to Bethlehem must use this circuitous route, which is twice as long as the 20 kms of the traditional route through Jerusalem, and due to both terrain and checkpoints, the trip takes many times much longer than the traditional route (bigger/downloadable map is available here).

But these routes are not only used by Palestinians. With the exception of the Wadi Nar route linking Al ‘Eizariya with Bethlehem, West Bank settlers use the same routes as Palestinians when traveling between northern West Bank settlements and Jerusalem.

The binational character of this road grid has a major impact on what settlers call their “quality of life.” Since they share the roads with Palestinians, settlers are also caught in traffic jams at checkpoints - which from their point of view is an indignity and an inconvenience that must be fixed, given that the people the checkpoints are supposed to be checking are Palestinians, not Israelis. Specifically, two key checkpoints -- the Hizma checkpoint and the Zeitim checkpoint, both at entry points to Jerusalem -- are a source of anger and frustration among settlers.

  • The Hizma checkpoint is located on the eastern flank of the East Jerusalem settlement neighborhood of Pisgat Ze’ev. It is not only widely used by settlers entering Jerusalem from the West Bank, but by Palestinian residents of East Jerusalem. Up to 60,000 Palestinian residents of East Jerusalem reside beyond the separation barrier in places like Kafr Aqab, Semiramis and beyond. Entering Jerusalem through the Qalandia checkpoint (to the north of the city), which exclusively serves Palestinians, can entail a wait of hours. Consequently Palestinians with vehicles prefer to enter Jerusalem at Hizma. This creates a significant waiting time as well. But since this is a “bi-national” checkpoint, when the Palestinians have a long wait, so do the settlers. Long lines for Palestinians at checkpoints may be “the normal state of affairs”; for settlers it is an intolerable blow to their “quality of life.”
  • A similar situation exists at the Zeitim checkpoint on national Route No. 1, which is the major artery by which the residents of Ma’ale Adumim access Jerusalem. Since the patterns of movement have turned the road into a bi-national route frequented by West Bank Palestinians, the vetting at the checkpoint is more than cursory. On a daily basis, during the morning rush-hour, there are long lines and delays not only for Palestinians but also for residents of Ma’ale Adumim seeking to traverse the checkpoint to get to their places of work in Jerusalem.


How Will the Segregated Road Change the Existing Patterns of Movement?

The segregated road will have, for now, a limited but significant impact on the patterns of movement of Israelis, and a negligible impact on the patterns of movement of the Palestinians.

However, there are a few additional steps that are likely to follow in short order, that will generate major changes in the road grids used, respectively, by Israelis and Palestinians.

Impact on Israeli patterns of movement

Immediate impact: easier access to Jerusalem for settlers. The opening of the segregated road grants the settlers from the northern part of the West Bank another point of access to Jerusalem. With this new road, they can now arrive quickly at National Route No. 1, and from there to proceed either to west into Jerusalem without additional checkpoints, or east to Ma’ale Adumim or the Jordan Valley. Settlers will thus be able to bypass the bottleneck at the Hizma checkpoint if they wish; this will alleviate congestion at that checkpoint meaning easier passage for settlers who still elect to use it. The fact that the segregated road will initially be open only between 5 AM and noon is a clear indication that the immediate motivation is alleviating the traffic jams settlers encounter during morning rush hour.
Future impact: integration into a future Eastern Ring Road. In the years to come, the segregated road will become a component of the planned “Eastern Ring Road.” That road has received statutory approval, but construction has yet to commence; it is a major project that, once started, will take many years to complete. Once completed, this new planned thoroughfare will allow Israeli traffic to proceed unimpeded from the northern half of the West Bank to the southern half without entering the center of Jerusalem. It will extend from Hizma to the north to the environs of Bethlehem in the south, with its route passing through a number of tunnels and over a number of bridges on the eastern flank of East Jerusalem. By design, it will not be accessible to West Bank Palestinians.


The following is a map of the planned Israeli road grid, as it will be after the completion of the Eastern Ring Road (bigger/downloadable map is available here):

Impact on the Palestinian patterns of movement

Immediate impact: negligible. As matters stand, the Palestinian side of the segregated road connects between Hizma and the village of Az-Zayyem. That village is technically located in Area B but is part of what Israel treats as the Maale Adumim salient, meaning that Israel has sealed the village off with a fence, leaving vehicular ingress/egress through a single route via an underpass that leads to National Route No. 1, immediately to the east of the Zeitim checkpoint. From this point Palestinians can travel east into the West Bank, but they are blocked from traveling west into Jerusalem.  Now, Palestinian traffic can instead proceed from Hizma to Az-Zayyem on the segregated road, after which they can proceed to National Route No. 1 and on into the West Bank (which was already accessible to them via Route 437). This is hardly an earth-shattering development.  

Future impact: measures achievable in the short-term related to the segregated road will have far reaching ramifications for Palestinian patterns of movement. Whereas the immediate impact of the opening of the segregated road is marginal, the combination of this measure with three additional steps -- all of which have been widely discussed, require little or no statutory planning or construction, and are easily achievable within a short period of time -- will have far-reaching ramifications for the Palestinians.

  1. Construction of a short segment of road that will link Az-Za’ayem and Al ‘Eizariya by means of an underpass beneath National Route No. 1. This will allow traffic to proceed  from Ramallah to Bethlehem by means of the segregated road, without the use of National Route No. 1 and the segment of Route 437 between Hizma and Mishor Adumim.
  2. Sealing of the southern exit from Al ‘Eizariya to Palestinian traffic, thereby preventing access to National Route No. 1.
  3. Sealing Route 437 from westbound Palestinian traffic at Hizma, denying access into the Ma’ale Adumim salient.

The map of the Palestinian road grid will then look as follows (bigger/downloadable map is available here):

Cumulatively, these steps will effect a radical change on the Palestinians’ patterns of movement:

  • The Ma’ale Adumim salient in Area C will be totally devoid of Palestinian traffic (Palestinian citizens of Israel and residents of East Jerusalem excepted). The north-south Palestinian through-traffic, and that of the area C residents of Az-Za’yyem, will be restricted to sealed roads that traverse the salient, with no possibility of leaving the road and accessing this section of Area C or entering Jerusalem.
  • Currently, both Route No. 437 and National Route No. 1 as they traverse the Ma’ale Adumim salient are binational roads. After these moves, they will be “Israeli-only” roads.
  • Since the roads of the Ma’ale Adumim salient will be devoid of Palestinians, it will be possible to remove the Zeitim checkpoint, allowing unimpeded traffic from Ma’ale Adumim to Jerusalem – yet another erasure of the Green Line.
  • The manifestations reminiscent of apartheid - different infrastructure for different nationalities, designed both to separate the populations and to privilege one population in terms of its movement and access into key areas - are not limited to the few kilometers of the segregated road. The road allows for separate road grids for Israeli and Palestinian traffic throughout this entire area - with the Israel roads being multi-lane highways as befits a state, and with the Palestinian traffic moving on narrow, winding secondary roads linking a discontiguous archipelago of “autonomous” Palestinian areas.

Why This, and Why Now?

There are a number of prosaic reasons why the segregated road has been opened now, most prominently the resolution of the bureaucratic squabbling among the security services and among the nearby municipal councils that previously thwarted its opening. However, this should by no means blur the fact that the segregated road is a non-routine component in achieving Netanyahu’s strategic objectives in Area C.

We have long argued that Netanyahu’s settlement related activities in the West Bank, and especially in areas around Jerusalem, go well beyond his almost axiomatic support of settlements. Rather, they are components in a coherent and systematic policy building to Netanyahu’s strategic end-game: erasing the Green Line while creating a new unilaterally-defined base-line border deep inside Area C, between an expanded “Israel” and a fragmented  Palestinian entity that is deprived of many of the characteristics that are critical to any reasonable interpretation of statehood. This strategy goes hand in glove with recent legislative initiatives that cumulatively will add up to a de facto annexation of Area C. For our in-depth analysis of these strategic goals, see: ”Spatial Shaping: Delineating Israel’s New Baseline Border”.

Efforts to create this unilaterally defined border deep inside Area C are based on a four-pillared policy:

  • Delineating the newly defined borders by security measures, which include not only the route of the separation barrier but Israel’s extensive control of area C,  well beyond the major blocs designated by the barrier.
  • Consolidating the newly defined borders by means of accelerated settlement expansion within the delineated boundaries.
  • Integrating the newly defined borders into pre-1967 Israel both physically and bureaucratically. Physically by means of large-scale infrastructure which seamlessly incorporates the newly defined boundaries into what since 1948 has been recognized as sovereign Israel; bureaucratically by means of legislation incrementally applying Israeli law to Area C.  
  • Neutralizing the Palestinian presence within the newly defined borders of Israel, by transforming the Palestinian villages into enclosed enclaves linked by sealed roads to Areas A and B, and by relocating scattered Bedouin encampments, such as Khan al Ahmar, to areas beyond the newly designated borders.

In recent years, each of these pillars consolidating Israel’s rule over area C is being systematically implemented at an ever-increasing pace.

The opening of the segregated road is a significant implementation of two of these policies: the seamless integration of the newly defined boundaries into Israel, and the neutralization of the Palestinian presence in large parts of Area C.


The Segregated Road and the Neutralization of the Palestinian Presence

Once the Az-Za’yyem-Al ‘Eizariya underpass road is completed, and Palestinian traffic is subsequently barred from Route 437 to the east of Hizma, and from National Route No. 1 to the south of Al ‘Eizariya, the Palestinian presence throughout the entire Ma’ale Adumim salient will be “neutralized” (save the presence of the Bedouin encampments such has Khan Al Ahmar, the presence of which is also imperiled):

  • Routes 437 and National Route No. 1 that traverse the Ma’ale Adumim salient (both currently binational roads) will only be accessible to Israeli traffic.
  • the only access that the enclosed village of Az-Za’yyem will have to the outside world will be by means of the sealed, segregated road. Consequently, while the village may be located physically within the confines of the Ma’ale Adumim salient, it will for all practical purposes have been excised from the salient and the rest of Area C.
  • the Ma’ale Adumim salient will be entirely devoid of Palestinian traffic (excepting access by Palestinian citizens of Israel and East Jerusalem Palestinians).
  • the claim of Palestinian “Transportational Continuity” that was invoked by Sharon will be resurrected.


The Seamless Integration of an “Israeli” Area C into Green Line Israel

Once the Ma’ale Adumim salient is inaccessible to West Bank Palestinians, there will be major changes in the way the West Bank settlements in general, and the Ma’ale Adumim salient in particular, will be seamlessly integrated into Israel proper:

  • With the removal of the Zeitim checkpoint, the commute taken by the tens of thousands of residents of Ma’ale Adumim and Jerusalem will feel to Israelis no different from, for example, the commute between Jerusalem and any city inside sovereign Israel.
  • Residents of Ma’ale Adumim will “enjoy” the use of roads barred to West Bank Palestinians.
  • More broadly, West Bank settlers will have yet another entrance available to Jerusalem available to them (one which is denied to West Bank Palestinians).
  • Settlers will have a route that allows them to avoid the daily bottleneck at the Hizma checkpoint, and for those who keep using that checkpoint, the congestion will be significantly reduced.
  • The segregated road already expedites the north-south movement of the West Bank settlers. In the future, with the construction of the Eastern Ring Road, the settlers (but not West Bank Palestinians) will have a highway seamlessly linking the northern West Bank and the southern West Bank, without the necessity of traversing the center of Jerusalem (but while enjoying infrastructure that allows them seamless access to the city, if they want it).

Two Final Thoughts

Firstly, since we have noted that the segregated road constitutes the implementation of two of Netanyahu’s strategic objectives – integration of Area C and neutralization of the Palestinian presence – it is only reasonable to ask: do these developments anticipate the implementation of another strategic element of these policies, namely, consolidation by means of settlement expansion? Especially in light of the upcoming elections, does the opening of the road portend the approval of construction in E-1?

The evidence is inconclusive, but this issue requires heightened vigilance in the weeks and months to come.

Secondly, we began our discussion by stating that we would focus on the geopolitical implications, rather than the moral implications, of Israel building and opening a segregated road. But we deem it appropriate to conclude with an observation related to the reasons why people are referring to it as the “apartheid Road.”

Occupation, in and of itself, is neither a crime nor a sin. It is, in fact, a natural consequence of armed conflict, such that there are laws of war that aspire to govern the nature of the conduct of both the occupier and the occupied, until such time as the occupation ends.

However, the distinction between occupier and occupied, something that is inevitable but defensible in an inherently temporary occupation, become legally, politically and morally reprehensible when that “temporary” occupation is perpetuated in the long-term.

A “permanent” occupation (an oxymoron in and of itself), by necessity requires increasingly repressive measures in order to maintain the semblance of routine.

In this context, we would argue that the construction and now the opening of this segregated “apartheid road” is not an isolated aberration, but rather a manifestation of much broader mechanisms of separation, and a sign of things to come.

As occupation enters its 52nd year, all signs indicate that there will inevitably be additional manifestations of Israeli policy that are increasingly and chillingly reminiscent of apartheid.


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13/8/2015 Imminent New Settlement Enclave in Silwan


13/8/2015 E. Jerusalem (partial) Settlement Freeze May Soon Defrost


13/8/2015 Troubling Developments on the Temple Mount/Haram al Sharif


22/5/2015 What We Can Learn from Jerusalem Day 2015


22/5/2015 Latest Settlement Tenders in East Jerusalem - Ramat Shlomo & Givat Zeev


22/5/2015 ?E-1 Looming


22/5/2015 East Jerusalem Simmers


29/4/2015 New & Recycled East Jerusalem Settlement Tenders


29/4/2015 High Court Rules on Absentee Property Law in Jerusalem


29/4/2015 Good News: IDF Colleges NOT Moving to Mount of Olives; Holy Basin Cable Car Plan Stalled


29/4/2015 Approval (but only sort of) of New Palestinian Construction in East Jerusalem


29/4/2015 Some Palestinian Cars Allowed in East Jerusalem


29/4/2015 Palestinian Security Forces (not really) allowed in East Jerusalem


14/1/2015 East Jerusalem at the Beginning of 2015: Things to Watch


3/11/2014 Attempted Assassination Raises the Stakes at the Temple Mount


3/11/2014 Reasons Behind Escalating Temple Mount Crisis


3/11/2014 Bibi's New Settlement Initiative - Ramat Shlomo & Har Homa


3/11/2014 More Settler Takeovers in Another Part of Silwan


2/10/2014 Netanyahu Cannot Evade Responsibility for Givat Hamatos Approval & Silwan Takeovers


1/10/2014 Breaking & Urgent News: Givat Hamatos Approved


30/9/2014 Major Development: In Overnight Operation, Settlers Take Over Multiple Buildings in Silwan


18/9/2014 Specter of E-1 Raised by Plan to Relocate Bedouin


18/9/2014 Looming Crisis in East Jerusalem - Givat Hamatos


17/9/2014 East Jerusalem Clashes Continue


9/9/2014 East Jerusalem Aflame


4/9/2014 The Real Story about those new units "approved" for Palestinians in East Jerusalem


26/8/2014 Gilo Tenders Awarded, but (for now) EJ Settlement Freeze Continues


19/5/2014 Jerusalem Settlements - The (Proximate, Contributing) Cause of the Collapse


19/5/2014 Post-Collapse - De Facto Freeze in East Jerusalem, But the Lull Won’t Last


19/5/2014 Are We Sliding Toward Religious War? A Brief Survey of Key Jerusalem Developments/Trends


5/3/2014 Framework Language and Jerusalem: Gimmicks Are NOT the Answer


5/3/2014 New Israeli Yeshiva Downtown Sheikh Jarrah


5/3/2014 Playing with Fire, Part 2: Elad Set to Gain Control of Area Adjacent to the Temple Mt/Haram al Sharif


5/3/2014 Playing with Fire, Part 1: Debating the Status Quo on the Temple Mount


3/3/2014 Demolition orders in E-1


9/1/2014 New Seidemann Op-Ed in the Guardian: The myth of an undivided Jerusalem is collapsing under its own weight


12/12/2013 Danny Seidemann Injured by Stone-Thrower - Condition Update & Comment


12/12/2013 East Jerusalem Settlements since the Resumption of Talks: the Facts & their Implications


12/12/2013 The [Apparent] Re-Emergence of the “Greater Jerusalem” Gimmick


12/12/2013 Post-Script: Those Planning Tenders for 24,000 New Settlement Units


27/8/2013 Ramat Shlomo Back in the Headlines


27/8/2013 Funding Approved for Settler-Run Projects in Silwan and Jebel Mukabber


27/8/2013 Three Palestinians Killed by Israeli Forces in Qalandia RC


27/8/2013 ?Uptick in East Jerusalem Home Demolitions


19/8/2013 Pyromaniacs Target the Temple Mount


19/8/2013 Jerusalem Residency Concerns Resurface


19/8/2013 New Pro-Settlement Guidelines on Absentee Property Law


19/8/2013 A U.S. Court Rules on Jerusalem


16/8/2013 Timeline/details of Recent Jerusalem-Related Settlement Developments


16/8/2013 Bibi, Settlements & Peace Talks -- Analysis


13/6/2013 The A-Zayyem/Mount of Olives Interchange, Plan 14049


13/6/2013 Tenders Awarded for Ramot Expansion, Additional Tenders for Mordot Gilo


13/6/2013 Everything You Need to Know About Jerusalem & the Absentee Property Law


7/5/2013 The IDF Colleges on the Mt. of Olives Off the Agenda, Again


7/5/2013 Plans Published for Old City Cable Car


7/5/2013 Sharansky Plan Hits a Wall, no pun intended


7/5/2013 The Wall/Barrier vs. Cremisan & Beit Jala


5/5/2013 Spatial Shaping in J'lem Continues with Opening of Route 20


24/4/2013 Concerns about Proposed “Solution” to Women’s Prayer Issue at the Western Wall


22/4/2013 The Politics of Waste Treatment in East Jerusalem


15/4/2013 Fifty New Units in East Talpiot


14/1/2013 E-1/Bab ash-Shams: What Happened, What it Means, What Next


28/12/2012 Mordot Gilo South - APPROVED


19/12/2012 Givat Hamatos APPROVED - What it Means


17/12/2012 Breaking News - Approvals this week - Ramat Shlomo & Givat Hamatos


5/12/2012 The E-1 Crisis...This Is Not a Drill


6/11/2012 More than 1200 New Tenders Issued for Pisgat Ze'ev and Ramot


31/10/2012 New Construction Approved in Har Homa


30/10/2012 New East Jerusalem Settlement Construction Approved - East Talpiot units for Israeli Security Personnel


24/10/2012 Mordot Gilo Construction Approved


24/10/2012 Plans for IDF Colleges on Mt. of Olives Deposited for Public Review & Explanation of Location


24/10/2012 Taking the Garbage to East Jerusalem


24/10/2012 Is the Palestinian Population of East Jerusalem Becoming More Israeli -- No


24/10/2012 Pisgat Zeev in the News


18/10/2012 Crisis Brewing on the Temple Mount


17/9/2012 Jerusalem, Netanyahu and the two-state solution


16/9/2012 Issue to watch: East Jerusalem Home Demolitions


16/9/2012 Attacks on Palestinians in Jerusalem – Sign of the “Hebronization” of the City


16/9/2012 Jerusalem in the Headlines: Ras al-Amud, Temple Mount, the Barrier, Elad, & Har Homa


15/9/2012 Jerusalem: Political Football in U.S. Presidential Race


14/9/2012 In Memorium: Our Friend, Chris Stevens


2/7/2012 New Tenders Published for East Jerusalem Settlement Construction


2/7/2012 Plans for New IDF War College on the Mt. of Olives Approved for Public Review


11/6/2012 Settlement Surge Continues on Jerusalem's Southern Flank


8/5/2012 Arab VIPs Start Coming to Jerusalem


7/5/2012 Givat Hamatos – Nearing the Point-of-No-Return


7/5/2012 IDF College on the Mt. of Olives – Moving Forward


7/5/2012 Kidmat Tzion – Municipal Approval Anticipated Soon


7/5/2012 Mughrabi Ramp – Some Good News


6/5/2012 Beit Hanina Settlement Effort Continues


10/4/2012 Late Winter Freeze in East Jerusalem turns to Spring Thaw


8/4/2012 Kidmat Tziyon Settlement Scheme to be Expedited


8/4/2012 New East Jerusalem “Park” Soon to get Final Approval


8/4/2012 New Settlement in Beit Hanina?


8/4/2012 Israeli High Court Rejects Shepherd’s Hotel Appeal


14/3/2012 Will Arab & Muslim Leaders Start Coming to Jerusalem?


14/3/2012 A Major East Jerusalem Settlement Plan Comes Back to Life


14/3/2012 Spotlight on Jewish Access to the Temple Mount


14/3/2012 Volatility in Silwan: Mini-Intifada Continues, Cave-Ins, and New Settler Plans


9/1/2012 The Ongoing Settlement Surge in East Jerusalem


9/1/2012 The Mughrabi Gate Saga - Update


10/12/2011 Barkat Tries to Force Mughrabi Ramp Demolition


9/12/2011 Approval of Mount Scopus "Park" Proceeds


13/10/2011 Approval for New Israeli Settlement at Givat Hamatos Proceeds


12/10/2011 New Pisgat Ze'ev Building Permits


28/9/2011 New Settlement Approval issued for Gilo - Plan 13261


11/8/2011 More Jerusalem Settlement Approvals: Ramat Shlomo, Pisgat Zeev, Givat Hamatos


10/8/2011 Yet Another Har Homa Plan Approved (No. 12825) - Public Buildings, 50 Units


5/8/2011 Har Homa C Plan 10310 (app. 983 units) Approved


9/7/2011 Jerusalem Municipal "Approval" of Mordot Gilo Plan


9/7/2011 Meretz Rejoins Municipal Coalition - Separate Portfolios for EJ Settlers and Palestinians


20/6/2011 The Ramat Shlomo House Extension Plans


10/6/2011 Committee for Acceleration of (EJ) Construction to Convene on June 14


24/5/2011 Netanyahu Approves East Jerusalem Construction Hours Before Obama Address


24/5/2011 Barkat Trying to Force Netanyahu's Hand on Mughrabi Ramp


12/5/2011 The Non-Existent Court Decision on Bustan Demolitions


10/5/2011 New East Jerusalem Settlements Update


9/5/2011 US Supreme Court to Hear Jerusalem Status Case


21/4/2011 Is There a De Facto Settlement Freeze in East Jerusalem? The Facts


18/4/2011 April Surge in East Jerusalem Construction Plans


18/4/2011 Mount Scopus Slopes Park Approved for Public Review


16/3/2011 Permit Issued for 14 Units at Ras el Amud Police Station


16/3/2011 Permit Issued for Mughrabi Ramp


17/10/2018 Jerusalem Elections 2018 - the Palestinian Dimension


29/7/2013 A Layman's Guide to Jerusalem House Demolitions
Daniel Seidemann


29/7/2013 A Laymen's Guide to the Planning Process in Jerusalem.pdf
Daniel Seidmann


20/3/2013 "Spatial Shaping", the Ross Agenda and a Partial Settlement Freeze
Daniel Seidmann


10/3/2013 Spatial Shaping - Unilaterally Determining Israel’s Base-Line Border
Daniel Seidmann


10/9/2012 NOREF Policy Brief August 2012 | By Daniel Seidemann
Daniel Seidemann


30/1/2012 East Jerusalem and the Imminent Demise of the Two-State Solution
Daniel Seidemann


7/11/2011 East Jerusalem Developments and Trends: 2006-2011
Daniel Seidemann


31/10/2011 The TJ Guide to the Planning and Construction Process in East Jerusalem - Oct. 2011
Daniel Seidemann


15/10/2011 Givat Hamatos/Mordot Gilo: New Settlement Schemes on Jerusalem's Southern Flank
Daniel Seidemann


12/8/2011 U.S. (non)-Recognition of Sovereignty in Jerusalem: A Consistent Policy, 1948 - 2011
Lara Friedman


1/8/2011 Hanging On By Our Fingernails
Daniel Seidemann


22/2/2011 Jerusalem Challenges the API
Daniel Seidemann


21/2/2011 East Jerusalem settlers and Israel's never-ending War of Independence
Daniel Seidemann


20/2/2011 The Two Jerusalems
D. Seidemann D.Rothem


19/2/2011 Jerusalem on the Brink
Daniel Seidemann


19/2/2011 A barely tolerated minority
Daniel Seidemann


17/2/2011 Redeeming Jerusalem by truth, not hollow slogans
Daniel Seidemann


16/2/2011 Jerusalem, settlements, and the "everybody knows" fallacy
Lara Friedman - Daniel Seidemann


15/2/2011 Blogposts
Lara Friedman